[Case Study] On Ageism During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Click HERE to read the full case study

Acknowledgements

Prepared by Dr. Martine Lagacé, Dr. Tracey O’Sullivan, Pascale Dangoisse, Amélie Doucet, Amanda Mac, and Samantha Oostlander of the University of Ottawa, for the Federal, Provincial and Territorial (FPT) Forum of Ministers Responsible for Seniors. The views expressed in this report may not reflect the official position of a particular jurisdiction.

Executive summary and policy recommendations

• Canadian older adultsFootnote
• 1 were particularly impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic, with over 80% of the COVID-19 related deaths during the first wave occurring in long-term care homes. The situation generated substantial media coverage, as well as government communications and academic research
• Understanding how older adults and the aging process were framed during this health crisis is important because the public discourse can have a significant influence on an individual’s personal experience of aging and relationships with older adults. Previous studies have shown that ageist stereotypes and attitudes are often conveyed through public discourse
• The current study aims to understand how older adults and the process of aging were depicted by the Canadian media, academics, older adults (associations of older adults), as well as government representatives themselves through the first and second waves of the COVID-19 pandemic
• There are 2 main questions that guided this work: 
• how did ageism emerge as an issue during the COVID-19 pandemic in the media, research, among older adults, associations of older adults and Federal, Provincial and Territorial (FPT) governments’ communications?
• how did the media, researchers, older adults, associations of older adults, and FPT governments contribute to, or address ageist attitudes, behaviours or discourse?
• To answer these questions, researchers conducted a content analysis of Canadian public documents related to COVID-19 and older adults, published from April to December 2020. These public documents included opinion-editorials (authored by journalists or older adults or associations of older adults), academic articles, and government communications (press briefings and communications generated by Federal, Provincial and Territorial ministries and departments)
• In total, 110 documents were analyzed across the 4 different types of public discourse: 20 media articles, 10 academic papers, 20 papers authored by older adults or associations of older adults, and 60 FPT government communications. Documents were selected over 3 time periods during 2020: (1) April; (2) mid-September to mid-October; and (3) early DecemberFootnote
• 2
• Content analysis was conducted to align with the research questions as well as findings from previous studies
• The results of this analysis show that ageism was raised as an issue throughout the 4 types of discourses, in 1 of 2 ways, either contributing to ageism or criticizing ageism (as illustrated in Table 5)
• Discourse messaging framed older adults as “victims” in 50% to 88% of all the communications reviewed. Further, the aging process was described as a process of “loss” in the majority of communications produced by the media, the academics, older adults (and associations of older adults) and governments. Communications produced by older adults themselves were the least likely to associate aging (their own aging however) with loss
• Academics criticized ageism and recognized the negative impact of ageism on mental health, social isolation, and access to care, as well as its impact on other forms of discrimination (such as, sexism and racism)
• Older adults and associations of older adults also criticized ageism and recognize its negative impact, however they mostly focused on healthy older adults who lived independently within their own homes/communities, not older adults residing in long term care
• Diverse strengths of older adults – and their contributions to society – were rarely acknowledged, with the exception of older adults communications. In this case however, the diversity of strengths was attributed to healthy older adults
• In general, similar themes and arguments were made throughout the data sources regarding the neglect in long-term care and the importance of caring and protecting older adults during the pandemic
• Similarly to other types of discourse, the media emphasized the vulnerability of older adults living in long term care facilities and the values of protecting them. However, few media articles gave a voice to these older adults (through interviews, for example) 
• The importance of conducting more research with Indigenous Elders was underlined by academics
• Press briefings and ministry or government communications from the territories made some references to the important roles and contributions of Indigenous Elders
• While the 4 domains of employment, health and healthcare, social inclusion, and safety and security were identified in all data sources (except government press briefings), the most prominent domain was health and healthcare
• The following policy recommendations are based on the findings from this case study of 110 documents (media articles, academic articles, articles written by older adults or their associations, and government communications)
• Editing of all press briefings and media should be screened to ensure the language used is inclusive and non-ageist. For instance, aging should not be portrayed uniquely as a process of loss; older adults should not be viewed as victims or vulnerable people only in need of protection and care. This important editing includes confirmation that the communication is balanced and recognizes the capacities and contributions of older adults that support pandemic response and resilience
• Building a society that recognizes the importance of listening to the voices of older adults is key. The pandemic has brought older adults into the conversation in a way not typically seen. Older adults are now visible and they have something new to bring to the table: criticizing ageism and providing a heterogenous view of older adults
• The absence of references to Indigenous Elders in different types of communications raises some concerns. Communications should be inclusive, and investments should be made to understand how Indigenous Elders are framed in widespread communication and to what extent and how they experience ageism, through an intersectional lens
• The positive references to Indigenous Elders can serve as inspiration for learning how to address ageism across all communities

1. Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic continues to have a tremendous impact on older adults in Canada, from every facet, be it physical, psychological or social. People living in long-term care homes have been particularly impacted, with more than 80% of the COVID-19 related deaths during the first wave of the pandemic, occurring in these facilities (Royal Society of Canada, 2020). The pandemic generated significant media coverage, government communications, and research from academics. Public discourse (such as, media coverage, government communication) has the power to shape social representations, create norms and expectations that influence personal experience. It is important to examine how the resulting public discourse stemming from the COVID-19 pandemic impacted older adults. Research completed prior to the pandemic demonstrated that public discourse towards older adults contributes directly and inadvertently to ageist stereotypes and attitudes.

Ageism refers to how we think (stereotypes), feel (prejudice) and act (discrimination) towards others or ourselves based on age. It can target younger and older individuals. The focus of the current project is on ageism towards older adults, expressed in different ways, as explained in the following:

Ageism can be hostile when, for example, an aging population is depicted as a real threat to the economy and a burden to the health care system. An example of hostile ageism is the infamous hashtag “#BoomerRemover” that was conveyed on social media at the beginning of the pandemic. 

Ageism can be compassionate. In this type of communication, older adults are portrayed as frail and vulnerable and in need of help; not being able to make decisions and having no self-agency. This type of ageism is often seen in the context of caregiving. Although its purpose is to provide help and support, it conveys the idea that all older adults are vulnerable and does not recognize diversity within an age group, which paves the way for patronizing attitudes.

Ageism can also be expressed through intergenerational and intragenerational comparisons. Intergenerational ageism relates to competition or scarcity of resources (that is., the health care system is over-burdened due to an aging population). Intragenerational ageism relates to competition or comparisons between older adults themselves (for example, older adults that are healthy and fit may want to dissociate, or not be identified, with older adults that are facing health challenges).

It is worth noting that compassionate as well as intergenerational or intragenerational ageism are often expressed unconsciously in an implicit or covert manner. On the other hand, hostile ageism is usually expressed explicitly or overtly, that is, consciously.

Studying ageism during the pandemic is important, to gather concrete data to measure its existence. The pandemic, its deadly impact, and the policies and actions put in place to manage it, all appeared to have exacerbated discrimination against older adults. To confirm this fact, examples of ageism need to be identified, examined and measured, to develop policies and legislation to address ageism.

2. Research questions

This report examines how older adults, as well as aging as a process, were depicted by the Canadian media, academics, government representatives and older adults themselves through the first and second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic.

There are 2 main questions that guided this work: 

1. how did ageism emerge as an issue during the COVID-19 pandemic in the media, research, among older adults, associations of older adults and Federal, Provincial and Territorial (FPT) governments’ communications?
2. how did the media, researchers, older adults, associations of older adults, and FPT governments contribute to, or address ageist attitudes, behaviours or discourse?

The following data sources were used to examine the 2 research questions:

• media articles (20 published articles)
• academic research (10 published papers)
• older adults or associations of older adults who have written on this issue (20 published articles)
• FPT government communications (60 press briefings or ministries and department documents)